There is a limit on how long a president can hold the office in the US; however, this limit has not always been law. One president not only served three full terms in office, but was settling into his fourth when he died.
Theodore Roosevelt Richard M. It is with Roosevelt that the most distinctive twentieth-century characteristics of the executive office emerged as more or less permanent traits.
Roosevelt put the presidency and the federal government at the center of peacetime political action. He made the White House a national focus for the social mood and did much to set the moral tone of his times.
He exploited the president's powers as commander in chief to initiate a forceful, independent foreign policy, deploying military forces abroad without direct or any consultation with Congress.
And he extended presidential initiatives in policymaking to the domestic scene on an unprecedented scale, putting forward reform proposals for congressional action and using executive orders to promote major innovative programs.
Not all the traits that Roosevelt brought to the White House were admirable. There was sometimes as much truculence as confidence, as much belligerence as goodwill, and as much bravado as good sense. He set some dubious precedents in his bullying of small nations and in his sometimes casual regard for constitutional and international law.
He did much to prod Americans to take up their responsibilities as a powerful nation to use their power for good internationally, even though it must be said that his own conception of "good" could not always meet a test for universal approval. He was, in short, not the perfect model for the ideal Philosopher King.
But his contributions to good government certainly outweighed his shortcomings. That Roosevelt went a long way toward persuading the nation of the legitimacy of federal responsibility for regulating business activities and husbanding the country's natural resources, unquestionably counts among his greatest contributions.
Bythe corporate consolidation of the nation's business had greatly impaired the effectiveness of the market to allocate economic opportunities, advantages, and rewards equitably. Meanwhile, the predominantly interstate and global character of economic activity had rendered state governments constitutionally and administratively incapable of overseeing the nation's industrial and financial affairs so as to redress market imbalances.
Nor had the states proved capable of controlling private exploitation of the public's mineral, timber, water, soil, scenic, and recreational resources, much of which by were beginning their way toward extinction.
A longtime governmental vacuum awaited federal attention, which, given the parochial roots of congressional power, only the president could provide. The rise of "The Regulatory State" that gained much of its legitimacy during Roosevelt's presidency was as much an essential part of the modern political economy as was the emergence of the corporate form of business organization and the multinational business firm.
Although in the final quarter of the century that began with the Age of Theodore Roosevelt a variety of economic interests came to use "deregulation" as an effective political slogan, in fact none of even those same interests truly envisioned a major withdrawal by the federal government of its regulatory role.
Most of what went on in the politics of the s and s aimed chiefly at rearranging the structure of competitive costs and advantages that different business and other interests had constructed in previous decades.
No one understood the vital importance of the modern regulatory state better than Theodore Roosevelt, and through all the political smoke of the s it remained clear that his perceptions continued to serve modern government.
Meanwhile, the competition for empire among the leading industrial and military powers of Europe and Asia challenged the rationale of America's traditional isolationism and forced heavy responsibilities on the country's commander in chief.
These developments greatly magnified the importance of the presidency and inevitably drew the attention of the press beyond state and local events to national politics. Later in the century, as film, radio, and television became public media instruments, the presence of the chief executive and his family would become more potent and more influential.
But Theodore Roosevelt achieved such stature in advance of the new technology. It may be that Americans generally get the president who most closely mirrors their mood, but it is at least arguable that presidents shape the nation's mood, its manners, its tastes, and its morals somewhat more than they have been shaped by them.
This seems especially true of Theodore Roosevelt. The Man and His Times Roosevelt's personality and political philosophy fitted the imperatives far more than they did the fashions of the times, so that the degree to which his behavior in the White House both hastened and shaped the dramatic growth of presidential power over the next seventy-five years must be seriously considered.
Temperamentally, Roosevelt craved attention. It was said of him in jest that when he went to the theater, he envied the star; when he witnessed a wedding, he wished to be the bride; and when he attended a funeral, he resented the corpse.
Once in the White House, especially in view of the changed national and international circumstances, he could not fail to focus national attention on the presidency.
Roosevelt believed in a strong "National Government" his preferred term of reference to the federal administrationand he believed in the forceful use of presidential power.
In this, he ran against the strong "Jeffersonian" current in nineteenth-century American politics, which treated power with suspicion, federal power with especial distrust, and presidential power as a threat to democratic impulses, which, it was long assumed, resided chiefly in the states and the legislatures.
But Roosevelt moved strongly within other nineteenth-century currents that put power in a different perspective. The late Victorian era was, after all, the age of Darwinism, which featured an aggressive confidence in the triumph of the fit. Fit for the nineteenth-century American meant both physical and moral superiority, and moral superiority justified—indeed, mandated—vigorous uses of power.
It was a major part of the very meaning of manliness, an idea of exceptional importance to contemporary males and to Roosevelt in particular. Very much in the fashion of his times, Roosevelt viewed the world in terms of struggle between good and evil, between the righteous and the unjust, between civilization and barbarism.
For the righteous to shrink from power would be to yield the arena to the unworthy. It was not, he made plain, that he felt burdened or disenchanted. It was rather that his view of the presidency required that there be a specific limit on how long any individual should serve. As president, he sought to use power up to, and beyond, the limits that ordinary law and a cautious interpretation of the Constitution set.
He owed, he said, his primary obligation to the nation's welfare.A SURVEY, CRITIQUE, AND NEW DEFENSE OF TERM LIMITS Alexander Taharrok United rutadeltambor.com president was limitedbyconstitutional amendment to two terms in and by tradition prior to Franklin Roosevelt. Term limits will increase the turnover rate forcommittee chairsand.
Presidential Term Limits Pros and Cons. Mar 25, 0. A perfect example of this situation is with Franklin D. Roosevelt. Term limits also allow for change that is necessary to adapt to the changing times.
Presidential candidates who have experienced more that is government based (such as serving in the military or other government. U.S. presidents by tradition served a maximum of two four-year terms until President Franklin Roosevelt was elected a record four times starting in 25 the end of the two-term limit for.
Actually, the Constitution never had presidential term limits UNTIL the ratification of the 22nd Amendment in , which was largely based on the fact that Franklin Roosevelt DID serve so long, and died from exhaustion and ill health no doubt brought on and made worse by holding arguably the world’s toughest job for so long.
Franklin Delano Roosevelt () was the longest serving President in US History, serving three full terms and starting his fourth when he died.
No other President had even won a third term (a couple had tried — Grant and T.R. — but none were elected). It was because of Franklin D. Roosevelt. While Roosevelt was still popular, it was an unwritten rule in politics that presidents did not run for more than two terms; even many of his supporters.